We have defined blacks as those who are by law or
tradition politically, economically and socially
discriminated against as a group in the South African
society and identifying themselves as a unit in the
struggle towards the realization of their aspirations.
This definition illustrates to us a number of things:
1. Being black is not a matter of pigmentation -
being black is a reflection of a mental attitude.
2. Merely by describing yourself as black you have
started on a road towards emancipation, you have
committed yourself to fight against all forces that seek
to use your blackness as a stamp that marks you out as a
subservient being.
From the above observations therefore, we can see
that the term black is not necessarily all-inclusive,
i.e. the fact that we are all not white does not
necessarily mean that we are all black. Non-whites do
exist and will continue to exist for quite a long time.
If one's aspiration is whiteness but his pigmentation
makes attainment of this impossible, then that person is
a non-white. Any man who calls a white man "baas", any
man who serves in the police force or security branch is
ipso facto a non-white. Black people - real black people
- are those who can manage to hold their heads high in
defiance rather than willingly surrender their souls to
the white man.
Briefly defined therefore, Black Consciousness is in
essence the realization by the black man of the need to
rally together with his brothers around the cause of
their oppression - the blackness of their skin - and to
operate as a group in order to rid themselves of the
shackles that bind them to perpetual servitude. It seeks
to demonstrate the lie that black is an aberration from
the "normal" which is white. It is a manifestation of a
new realization that by seeking to run away from
themselves and to emulate the white man, black are
insulting the intelligence of whoever created them
black. Black Consciousness, therefore takes cognizance
of the deliberateness of the God's plan in creating
black people black
It seeks to infuse the black community with a
new-found pride in themselves, their efforts, their
value systems, their culture, their religion and their
outlook to life. The interrelationship between the
consciousness of the self and the emancipatory programme
is of a paramount importance. Blacks no longer seek to
reform the system because so doing implies acceptance of
the major points around which the system revolves.
Blacks are out to completely transform the system and to
make of it what they wish. Such a major undertaking can
only be realized in an atmosphere where people are
convinced of the truth inherent in their stand.
Liberation therefore is of paramount importance in the
concept of Black Consciousness, for we cannot be
conscious of ourselves and yet remain in bondage. We
want to attain the envisioned self which is a free self.
The surge towards Black Consciousness is a phenomenon
that has manifested itself throughout the so-called
Third World. There is no doubt that discrimination
against the black man the word over fetches its origin
from the exploitative attitude of the white man.
Colonization of white countries by whites has throughout
history resulted in nothing more than sinister than mere
cultural or geographical fusion at worst, or language
bastardization at best.
It is true that the history of weaker nations is
shaped by bigger nations, but nowhere in the world today
do we see whites exploiting whites on scale even
remotely similar to what is happening in South Africa.
Hence, one is forced to conclude that it is not
coincidence that black people are exploited. It was a
deliberate plan which has culminated in even so-called
black independent countries not attaining any real
independence.
With this background in mind we are forced,
therefore, to believe that it is a case of haves against
have-nots where whites have been deliberately made haves
and black have-nots.
There is for instance no worker in the classical
sense among whites in South Africa, for even the most
downtrodden white worker still has a lot lose if the
system is changed. He is protected by several laws
against competition at work from the majority. He has a
vote and he uses it to return the Nationalist Government
to power because he sees them as the only people who,
through job reservation laws, are bent on looking after
his interests against competition with the "Natives".
It should therefore be accepted that analysis of our
situation in terms of one's colour at once takes care of
the greatest single determinant for political action -
i.e. colour - while also validly describing the blacks
as the only real workers in South Africa. It immediately
kills all suggestions that there could ever be effective
rapport between the real workers, i.e. blacks, and the
privileged white workers, since we have shown that the
latter are the greatest supporters of the system.
True enough, the system has allowed so dangerous an
anti-black attitude to build up amongst whites, who are
economically nearest to the blacks, demonstrate the
distance between themselves and the blacks by an
exaggerated reactionary attitude towards blacks. Hence
the greatest anti-black feeling is to be found amongst
the very poor whites whom the Class Theory calls upon to
be with black workers in the struggle for emancipation.
This is the kind of twisted logic that Black
Consciousness approach seeks to eradicate.
In terms of the Black Consciousness approach we
recognize the existence of one major force in South
Africa. This is White Racism. It is the one force
against which all of us are pitted. It works with
unnerving totality, featuring both on the offensive and
in our defence. Its greatest ally to date has been the
refusal by us to progressively lose ourselves in a world
of colourlessness and amorphous common humanity, whites
are deriving pleasure and security in entrenching white
racism and further exploiting the minds and bodies of
the unsuspecting black masses. Their agents are ever
present amongst us, telling that it is immoral to
withdraw into a cocoon, that dialogue is the answer to
our problem and that it is unfortunate that there is
white racism in some quarters but you must that things
are changing.
These in fact are the greatest racists for they
refuse to credit us any intelligence to know what we
want. Their intentions are obvious; they want to be
barometers by which the rest of the white society can
measure feelings in the black world. This then is what
makes us believe that white power presents itself as a
totality not only provoking us but also controlling our
response to the provocation. This is an important point
to note because it is often missed by those who believe
that there are a few good whites. Sure there are few
good whites just as much as there are a few bad blacks.
However what we are concerned here with is group
attitudes and group politics. The exception does not
make a lie of a rule - it merely substantiates it. The
overall analysis therefore, based on the Hegelian theory
of dialectic materialism, is as follows. That since the
thesis is a white racism there can only be one valid
antithesis, i.e. a solid black unity, to counterbalance
the scale. If South Africa is to be a land where black
and white live together in harmony without fear of group
exploitation, it is only when these two opposites have
interplayed and produced a viable synthesis of ideas and
modus vivendi. We can never wage any struggle without
offering a strong counterpoint to the white racism that
permeate our society so effectively.
One must immediately dispel the thought that Black
Consciousness is merely a methodology or a means towards
an end. What Black Consciousness seeks to do is to
produce at the output end of the process real black
people who do not regard themselves as the appendages to
white society. This truth cannot be reserved.
We do not need to apologize for this because it is
true that the white systems have produced throughout the
world a number of people who are not aware that they too
are people. Our adherence to values that we set for
ourselves can also not be reversed because it will
always be a lie to accept white values as necessarily
the best. The fact that a synthesis may be attained only
relates to adherence to power politics. Someone
somewhere along the line will be forced to accept the
truth and here we believe that ours is the truth.
The future of South Africa in the case where blacks
adopt Black Consciousness is the subject for concern
especially among initiates. What do we do when have
attained our Consciousness ? Do we propose to kick
whites out ? I believe personally that the answers to
these questions ought to be found in the SASO Policy
Manifesto and in our analysis of the situation in South
Africa. We have defined what we mean by true integration
and the very fact that such a definition exists does
illustrate what our standpoint is. In any case we are
much more concerned about what is happening now, than
will happen in the future. The future will always be
shaped by the sequence of present-day events.
The importance of black solidarity to the various
segments of the black community must not be understated.
There have been in the past a lot of suggestions that
there can be no viable unity amongst blacks because they
hold each other in contempt. Coloureds despise Africans
because they (the former), by their proximity to the
Africans, may lose the chances of assimilation into the
white world. Africans despise the Coloureds and Indians
for a variety of reasons. Indians not only despise
Africans but in many instances also exploit the Africans
in job and shop situations.
All these stereotype attitudes have led to
mountainous inter-group suspicions amongst the blacks.
What we should at all times look at is the fact that:
1. We are all oppressed by the same system.
2. That we are oppressed to varying degrees is a
deliberate design to stratify us not only socially but
also in terms of the enemy's aspirations.
3. Therefore it is to be expected that in terms of
the enemy's plan there must be this suspicion and that
if we are committed to the problem of emancipation to
the same degree it is part of our duty to bring to the
black people the deliberateness of the enemy's
subjugation scheme.
4. That we should go on with our programme,
attracting to it only committed people and not just
those eager to see an equitable distribution of groups
amongst our ranks. This is a game common amongst
liberals. The one criterion that must govern all our
action is commitment.
Further implications of Black Consciousness are to do
with correcting false images of ourselves in terms of
culture, Education, Religion, Economics. The importance
of this also must not be understated. There is always an
interplay between the history of people i.e. the past,
their faith in themselves and hopes for their future. We
are aware of the terrible role played by our education
and religion in creating amongst us a false
understanding of ourselves. We must therefore work out
schemes not only to correct this, but further to be our
own authorities rather than wait to be interpreted by
others.
Whites can only see us from the outside and as such
can never extract and analyze the ethos in the black
community. In summary therefore one need only refer this
house to the SASO Policy Manifesto which carries most of
the salient points in the definition of the Black
Consciousness. I wish to stress again the need for us to
know very clearly what we mean by certain terms and what
our understanding is when we talk of Black
Consciousness.
ŠAzanian People's Organisation 2001.